EU-China Social Protection Reform Project 中欧社会保障改革项目

Presentation on theme: "EU-China Social Protection Reform Project 中欧社会保障改革项目"— Presentation transcript:

1 EU-China Social Protection Reform Project 中欧社会保障改革项目
Training Programme 培训项目 Effects and Tendency of Income Redistribution Policy 收入分配政策的影响和趋势 INCOME-RELATED GROUPS AND INCOME GAP IN EUROPE: DEFINITIONS AND SOCIOLOGICAL ISSUES 欧洲与收入有关的群体和收入差距：定义和社会问题 Prof. Nereo Zamaro 内雷奥·扎玛奥教授 Luiss University, Rome – Methods of social research Political Science Department 罗马路易斯大学，政治科学学院，社会研究方法

2 Topics 主题 Assumptions 假设 Poverty Vs Inequality 贫困与不平等
Definitions, measurement designs, and new data sources 定义，测量设计和新数据源 Some data, new insights and sociological issues 一些数据，新的见解和社会学问题

3 I was invided here today as a methodologist and a sociologist
I was invided here today as a methodologist and a sociologist.我今天是作为一名方法学家和社会学家被邀请。 Therefore, before going into the details of my presentation, I would like to recall two quite old but – I think -- still key quotations. 因此，在进入我演示文稿的详细内容之前，我想回忆两个相当古老的但我认为 - 仍然是关键的引用。

4 The first by Lester Ward (1906) Applied Sociology (Boston, Ginn & Company: 4):第一个引自Lester Ward（1906）应用社会学（波士顿，Ginn＆Company：4）： “Reform may be defined as the desirable alteration of social structures. Any attempt to do this must be based on a full knowledge of the nature of such structures, otherwise its failure is certain.” “改革可以被定义为社会结构的理想改变。 任何这样做的尝试都必须基于对这些结构性质的充分了解，否则它的失败是肯定的。” The second from Paul F. Lazarsfeld (1962) The Sociology of Empirical Social Research (ASR, 27, 6: 757):第二部分来自Paul F. Lazarsfeld（1962）“社会经济学研究”（ASR，27,6：757）： You all know the old saying: those who can, do; those who cannot, teach; and those who have nothing to teach, become methodologists. I always felt that this is an unfair misunderstanding of methodology (…)”. 大家都知道那句老话：那些能做到的人，做; 那些不能的，教; 那些没有什么可教的人，成为方法学家。 我一直觉得这是对方法论不公正的误解（......）“。

5 The training programme includes a list of substantive contributions analysing (mostly secondary) data on topics like 培训计划包括一份实质性贡献清单，分析（主要是次要的）数据的主题例如： the income re-distribution patterns, within the European area, and 欧洲地区内的收入再分配模式以及 the influence of technological changes on labour markets, focusing on the OECD countries,对OECD国家而言，技术变革对劳动力市场的影响 the anti-poverty policy programmes in Italy and in Europe,意大利和欧洲的脱贫政策方案， the labor economic policies, both «active» and «passive» focusing on the Italian institutional setting,关注意大利制度环境的劳动力经济政策，包括“主动”和“被动”， Trends on income inequality in Italy. 意大利收入不平等的趋势。

6 This presentation will focus on a few methodological issues, using data only to show some new data sources and preliminary insights about poverty and social inequality and (some of) the consequences one can observe comparing our societies on the two topics.本演讲将集中讨论一些方法问题，仅使用数据来展示一些新的数据来源和关于贫困和社会不平等的初步见解，以及（一些）可以观察到的比较我们的社会对这两个主题的影响。 The aim is defining a set of basic definitions, classifications and methodologic issues that will offer an overall frame of reference, making the pictures that will be presented by the following experts rooted in a common backgroud.目的是定义一组基本定义，分类和方法问题，这些问题将提供一个整体参考框架，使得以下专家提供的图片植根于一个共同的背景中。

7 By tradition definitions, classifications (metadata), and measures (indicators) on poverty and inequality are set by international institutions like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the OECD, and Eurostat (and the national statistical authorities within the EU statistical system).根据传统定义，贫困和不平等的分类（元数据）和措施（指标）由世界银行，国际货币基金组织，经合组织和欧盟统计局（以及欧盟统计系统内的国家统计机构）等国际机构制定。。 Most students rely on these definitions, classifications, and measures.大多数学生依赖这些定义，分类和措施。

8 However, several private and public research institutions, and universities, think tanks, in different countries and for different research and/or policy related purposes are more and more producing their own data sets, sometimes working on a different set of definitions, classifications and measures.但是，不同国家和不同研究和/或政策相关目的的一些私立和公共研究机构、大学、智库越来越多地建立自己的数据集，有时会制定一套不同的定义、分类和方法。 Therefore, our starting points need to be set clearly. 因此，我们需要清楚地设定起点。

9 Poverty Vs Inequality 贫困与不平等 Sometimes these two words are mixed-up
Poverty Vs Inequality 贫困与不平等 Sometimes these two words are mixed-up.有时这两个词是混淆的。 Let’s set the methodological problem: what are we going to observe? 让我们设定方法问题：我们要观察什么？

10 On poverty (concepts)关于贫困（概念）
Social researchers favour two different approaches to poverty: absolute poverty and relative poverty.社会研究人员认为有两种不同的贫困方法：绝对贫困和相对贫困。 The concept of absolute (or extreme) poverty is grounded in the idea of subsistence – the basic conditions that must be met in order to sustain a physically healthy existence. People who lack these fundamental requirements for human existence - such as sufficient food, shelter and clothing – are said to live in poverty.绝对（或极端）贫困的概念基于生存理念 - 必须满足的基本条件，以维持身体健康的生存。 据说缺乏人类生存这些基本要求的人 - 例如充足的食物，住所和衣服 - 生活在贫困之中。

11 On poverty (concepts)关于贫困（概念）
The concept of absolute (or extreme) poverty is seen as universally applicable. It is held that standards for human subsistence are more or less the same for all people of an equivalent age and physique, regardless of where they live. Any individual, anywhere in the world, can be said to live in poverty if he or she falls below this universal standard. 绝对（或极端）贫困的概念被认为普遍适用。 人们认为，无论居住在何处，所有相同年龄和体格的人的生存标准大致都相同。 世界上任何地方的任何人，如果他或她低于这个普遍标准，就可以说生活在贫困之中。

12 The poverty line used by the World Bank. 世界银行采用的贫困线标准
One common technique used in attempts to measure absolute poverty is to determine a poverty line*, based on the price of the basic goods needed for human survival in a particular society.试图衡量绝对贫困的一种常用技术是根据特定社会中人类生存所需的基本商品的价格确定贫困线*。 Individuals (or households) whose income falls below the poverty line are said to live in poverty.收入低于贫困线的个人（或家庭）被认为是生活在贫困之中。 Yet using a single criterion of poverty can be problematic, because such definitions fail to take into account variations in human needs within and between societies.然而，使用单一的贫困标准可能会产生问题，因为这种定义未能考虑到社会内部和社会之间人类需求的变化。 *Global Monitoring Report 2015/2016 unveils poverty data based on a new $1.90 international poverty line, using 2011 purchasing power parity (PPP). To be comparable, the global poverty estimates are based on a common poverty line across all countries. As with the previous line of $1.25 a day, in 2005 prices, the new line is calculated by averaging the national poverty lines of the 15 poorest developing countries. It represents a very low threshold standard of living which is believed to correspond to the minimum costs of basic needs. Changes in this value over time thus reflect the increasing cost of obtaining these basic needs. (WB (2017), p.5; underlines ours)

13 WB (2017), Global monitoring report 2015-2016.

14 Poverty [WB, 2017 b)] 贫困（世界银行，2017B）
Besides the poverty line approach, researchers may consider four different points of departure to study poverty:除了贫困线方法，研究人员可以考虑四个不同的出发点来研究贫困： subjective views (“asking people”), 主观意见（询问人们） basic needs, 基本需求 capabilities, and 能力以及 minimum rights. 最小权利 Different approaches can lead to a different views either about the assessment of individual/household status or about the poverty standard to be applied, or about both.不同的方法可能导致对个人/家庭状况的评估或要应用的贫困标准或两者的不同观点。

15 Subjective approah主观方法
Starting point. The discourse about poverty has been dominated by the perspectives and expertise of those who are not poor. 初始点。 关于贫困的讨论一直由非穷人的观点和专业知识所主导。 Recent research has demonstrated the potential of this approach (= participatory approach), for instance in selecting those countries that are comparable ( = people share the same ideas on what is necessary in life, allowing for meaningful comparisons). 最近的研究已经证明了这种方法的潜力（=参与式方法），例如选择那些具有可比性的国家（=人们对生活中必要的东西有相同的想法，允许进行有意义的比较）。 Meantime, there are limits to what can be learned from “asking people,” and not all views are equally valid (i.e. local cultural frames). 与此同时，从“询问人”中可以学到的东西是有限的，并非所有观点都同样有效（即当地文化框架）。 “local cultural frames” = in qualche contesto si nega anche l’evidenza della povertà, assumendo un punto di vista inficiato da considerazioni religiose, culturali, … distorte.

16 Looking for all the dimensions of poverty 寻找贫困的所有方面
Studies suggest that poverty consists of many interlocking dimensions, where lack of food, poor health, and illness; lack of access to public goods; and powerlessness were judged to be more important than monetary poverty. 研究表明，贫困包括许多相互关联的方面，缺乏食物，健康状况不佳和疾病; 无法获得公共物品; 人们认为无能为力比经济上的贫困更重要。 Consumption not income!

17 Looking for all the dimensions of poverty 寻找贫困的所有方面
Nonmonetary poverty domains: The participatory approach may help in identifying these dimensions (= self assessment; individual necessary minimum consumption* to set an individual standard; distance from the individual standard; general minimum consumption level to set a population-wide standard, or poverty line).非货币贫困领域：参与式方法可能有助于确定这些方面（=自我评估;个人必要的最低消费*设定个人标准;与个人标准的距离;一般最低消费水平，以设定人口范围的标准，或贫困线）。 Approach which is crucial to collect information from sub-populations which are under represented in household surveys (i.e. children; young people; other vulnerable groups). 对从家庭调查中代表的子群体（即儿童，年轻人;其他弱势群体）收集信息至关重要的方法。 Consumption not income!

18 Basic needs approach 基本需求方法
Long story, different in different countries 历史很长，不同国家情况不同； Minimum food (and minimum cost diets), and non food requirement for an adequate intake (= food input) for a household. It is implied最低食物（和最低成本饮食），以及家庭足够摄入量（=食物投入）的非食物需求。 这是隐含的： determination of nutritional requirements确定营养需求 conversion of these requirements into a food budget将这些要求转换为食品预算 allowance for non food items非食品的补贴 Issues on measurement: calories and other nutritional requirements, variability among countries, (sub-) groups by gendre, age, working condition…, the use of equivalence scales, updating data in time and direction of changes*.衡量问题：卡路里和其他营养需求，各国之间的差异，（子）群体的年龄，年龄，工作条件......，等效量表的使用，及时更新数据和变化方向*。 Problemi di misurazione – alta variabilità tra le misure e discrezionalità nei giudizi espressi per valutare la corrispondenza tra standard e abitudini alimentari e non alimentari dei rispondenti. Esempio. * “Adjustments to the basic needs standard may be expected to be upward in the case of nonfood items, as in the example just cited, but the reverse may be true for the food component. The fact that energy requirements are greater for those undertaking heavy work means that the food requirements should vary with the level of activity. A country where most workers are sitting looking at screens should have a lower nutrition requirement than one in which many people are pulling rickshaws. Allen (2013, table 2) shows a time budget for a laborer in mid eighteenth century London, whose activities required 2.16 times the intake of the basic (sleeping) requirement. If the worker had instead been seated at a desk, the requirement would have fallen to 1.41.” (p.133)

19 Not everyone accepts that it is possible to identify such a universal standard of absolute poverty however.然而，并非所有人都认为有可能确定这种普遍的绝对贫困标准 It is more appropriate, some argue, to use the concept of relative poverty, which relates poverty to the overall standard of living that prevails in a particular society. Advocates of the concept of relative poverty hold that poverty is culturally defined and should not be measured according to some universal standard of deprivation. 。一些人认为，使用相对贫困的概念更为恰当，因为贫困将贫困与特定社会普遍存在的总体生活水平联系起来。 相对贫困概念的倡导者认为，贫困是在文化上定义的，不应该根据一些普遍的剥夺标准来衡量。

20 The concept of relative poverty presents its own complexities, however
The concept of relative poverty presents its own complexities, however. One of the main ones is the fact that, as societies develop, so understandings of relative poverty must also change. As societies become more affluent, standards for relative poverty are gradually adjusted upwards. 然而，相对贫困的概念本身也存在复杂性。 其中一个主要的事实是，随着社会的发展，对相对贫困的理解也必须改变。 随着社会越来越富裕，相对贫困的标准逐渐向上调整。

21 Capabilities 能力 This approach dates from recent decades (Amartya Sen): well-being should be judged in terms of the functionings and capabilities open to a person. 这种方法可以追溯到最近几十年（Amartya Sen）：应该根据对一个人开放的功能和能力来判断福祉。 Functionings are the activities and states that are valued by a person, and capabilities are the various combinations of functionings that he/she can achieve.功能是由人重视的活动和状态，功能是他/她可以实现的各种功能组合。 Focusing on poverty this should be seen as the deprivation of capabilities, where that deprivation limits the freedom of a person to pursue their goals in life: identifying a minimal combination of basic capabilities can be a good way of setting up the problem of diagnosing and measuring poverty. 关注贫困应该被视为剥夺能力，剥夺权限限制了人们追求生活目标的自由：确定基本能力的最小组合可以是建立诊断和测量问题的好方法。 贫穷。

22 A different perspective…一种不同观点
First, capabilities are essentially multidimensional, and require the construction of multidimensional indicators. We find here a theoretical frame to think of the nonmonetary poverty domains spelled out before.首先，能力基本上是多方面的，需要建立多维指标。 我们在这里找到一个理论框架来思考之前阐述的非货币贫困领域。 The second feature is that capabilities are individual based, whereas the WB - International poverty line and the needs-based indicator are centered on the household.第二个特征是能力是基于个人的，而世界银行 - 国际贫困线和基于需求的指标以家庭为中心。 The third feature is that the capability approach, like standard of living measures in general, or basic needs–based measures, is concerned with the diversified (=variability of) characteristics of individuals (i.e. uderrepresented groups here are explicitly taken into account). 第三个特征是，能力方法，如一般的生活标准衡量标准，或基本的基于需求的衡量标准，涉及个人特征的多样化（=可变性）（即明确考虑到这里的uder代表群体）。

23 Fourth, often poverty measures treat each household on its own, as if it were living in isolation, with no neighbors or fellow citizens.第四，通常贫困措施本身就是对待每个家庭，就好像它是孤立地生活在一起，没有邻居或同胞。 With the capability approach there enters an essential interdependence. The capability to function depends on the society in which the person lives: “in a country that is generally rich, more income may be needed to buy enough commodities to achieve the same social functioning, such as ‘appearing in public without shame.’”通过能力方法，进入必要的相互依赖性。 运作的能力取决于人们生活的社会：“在一个普遍富裕的国家，可能需要更多的收入才能购买足够的商品以实现相同的社会功能，例如'公开出现而不会感到羞耻'。” The same applies to the capability of ‘taking part in the life of the community’”. The last sentence brings out the relation with the concept of social exclusion. 这同样适用于“参与社区生活”的能力。 最后一句话提出了与社会排斥概念的关系。

24 The same applies to the capability of ‘taking part in the life of the community’”. The last sentence brings out the relation with the concept of social exclusion. 这同样适用于“参与社区生活”的能力。 最后一句话提出了与社会排斥概念的关系。

25 Minimum rights 最小权利 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948). 人权宣言
3 Contributions:3项贡献： Rights are individual (families and/or households are not considered => much a western perspective; in fact, in some contexts the right to live harmoniously might be recognized…). 权利是个人的（不考虑家庭和/或家庭=>西方的观点;事实上，在某些情况下，和谐生活的权利可能得到承认......）。

26 Minimum rights 最小权利 Rights are universal (= neutral), if not explicitly stated differently.权利是普遍的（=中立的），如果没有明确说明不同。 The third contribution is that a list of key rights/ dimensions that are relevant when considering a multidimensional approach is presented: education, food, clothing, housing, medical care, and necessary social security. 第三个贡献是提出了在考虑多维方法时相关的关键权利/维度清单：教育，食品，衣服，住房，医疗和必要的社会保障。

27 Poverty, relatively speaking (1) 相对而言的贫困（1）
The capability to function (3rd) depends on the society in which the household lives; the minimum rights (4th) only have meaning when studying poverty in a societal context.运作能力（第三）取决于家庭生活的社会; 最低权利（第四）只有在社会背景下研究贫困时才有意义。 Therefore the absolute concepts of poverty (functionings) are translated into relative concepts of resources (capabilities) you may use or that you are deprived from. 因此，贫困的绝对概念（功能）被转化为您可能使用或被剥夺的资源（能力）的相对概念。

28 Poverty, relatively speaking (2) 相对而言的贫困（2）
The EU definition of poverty is a multidimensional, dynamic and relative definition which was largely inspired by Peter Townsend’s research and described in short as follows: 欧盟对贫困的定义是一个多维度，动态和相对的定义，主要受彼得·汤森德的研究启发，简称如下：

29 Poverty, relatively speaking (2) 相对而言的贫困（2）
“Poverty can be defined objectively and applied consistently only in terms of the concept of relative deprivation. […] Individuals, families and groups in the population can be said to be in poverty when they lack the resources to obtain the type of diet, participate in the activities and have the living conditions and amenities which are customary, or at least widely encouraged or approved, in the societies to which they belong. Their resources are so seriously below those commanded by the average individual or family that they are, in effect, excluded from ordinary living patterns, customs or activities.” (Townsend, 1979, p 31). “贫困可以客观地定义，并且只在相对剥夺的概念方面始终如一地应用。 [...]当人们缺乏获得饮食类型的资源，参与活动并拥有习惯性的生活条件和便利设施，或至少受到广泛鼓励时，可以说人口中的个人，家庭和群体处于贫困状态。 或者在他们所属的社会中获得批准。 他们的资源严重低于普通个人或家庭的命令，实际上他们被排除在普通生活模式，习俗或活动之外。“（Townsend，1979，第31页）。

30 Theory of relative deprivation 相对剥夺理论
For Townsend, deprivation is a relative phenomenon which encompasses both a lack of material goods and social activities: 对于汤森而言，剥夺是一种相对现象，包括缺乏物质商品和社会活动： “Deprivation takes many different forms in every known society. People can be said to be deprived if they lack the types of diet, clothing, housing, household facilities and fuel and environmental, educational, working and social conditions, activities and facilities which are customary, or at least widely encouraged and approved, in the societies to which they belong.” (1987: p.126) “在每个已知的社会中，剥夺都有许多不同的形式。 如果人们缺乏饮食，衣服，住房，家庭设施和燃料以及环境，教育，工作和社会条件，活动和设施，这些都是习惯性的，或至少得到广泛鼓励和批准，那么人们可以说是被剥夺了 他们所属的社会。“（1987：p.126）

31 Poverty considered from the EU point of view:欧盟观点中关于贫困的思考：
In 1975, the EU Council of Ministers agreed that the poor are “the persons whose resources are so small as to exclude them from the minimum acceptable way of life in the Member State in which they live”, with “resources” being defined as ‘goods, cash income plus services from public and private sources’ (Council of the European Union, 1975). 1975年，欧盟部长理事会同意穷人是“资源非常小的人，将他们排除在他们所居住的成员国的最低生活方式之外”，“资源”被定义为' 货物，现金收入加上来自公共和私人来源的服务'（欧洲理事会，1975年）。 This definition includes both input elements (“...due to a lack of resources”) and outcome elements (“the exclusion from the minimum acceptable way of life”). 该定义包括输入元素（“......由于缺乏资源”）和结果元素（“排除在最小可接受的生活方式之外”）。

32 In 1985, the Council amended this definition and enlarged the concept of “resources” in order to take into account material, cultural and social aspects: 1985年，理事会对这一定义进行了修订，并扩大了“资源”的概念，以便考虑到物质，文化和社会方面： “the persons whose resources (material, cultural and social) are so limited as to exclude them from the minimum acceptable way of life in the Member State to which they belong” (Council of the European Union, 1985). “资源（物质，文化和社会）资源有限的人，将其排除在其所属成员国的最低可接受生活方式之外”（欧洲联盟理事会，1985年）。

33 In 2010, the EU adopted the target for the year 2020 of
lowering by at least 20 million the number of people at risk of poverty or social exclusion in the EU. 2010年，欧盟通过了2020年的目标将欧盟面临贫困或社会排斥风险的人数减少至少2000万。 The target indicator of “Risk of poverty or social exclusion” in fact combines three elements:“贫困或社会排斥风险”的目标指标实际上包含三个要素： risk of income poverty,收入贫困的风险 (quasi-)joblessness, and （准）失业，和 severe material deprivation. 严重的物质匮乏。

34 Indicators on poverty by Eurostat (SDGs # 1 – No poverty)欧盟统计局关于贫困的指标（可持续发展目标＃1 - 无贫困）

35

36 Inequality (or inequalities?)不平等（或不平等？）
A.Giddens, a well known British student, as other sociologists before him, stressed once that A.Giddens，一位著名的英国学生，和他之前的其他社会学家一样，曾强调过这一点： “Social inequality is one of the issues on which the discipline of sociology was founded, though the focus of the classical sociologists was on inequalities of class, status and power within the industrial societies. This generally meant studying the internal processes which produced inequality, disadvantage and exclusion.” (2009, pp.526) “社会不平等是社会学学科建立的问题之一，尽管经典社会学家关注的是工业社会中阶级，地位和权力的不平等。 这通常意味着研究产生不平等，不利和排斥的内部过程。“（2009，pp.526）

37 Inequality (or inequalities?)不平等（或不平等？）
pointed out also that也指出了这一点 “Just as we can speak of the rich and poor, high and low status or powerful and powerless within a single country, so we can talk about these inequalities and their causes within the global system as a whole” (Ibid., p.527). “正如我们可以谈论一个国家内的富人和穷人，高低地位或强大和无能为力，我们可以在整个全球体系中谈论这些不平等及其原因”（同上，第527页））。

38 Indicators on inequality by Eurostat (SDGs # 10 – Reduced inequalities)欧盟统计局关于不平等的指标（可持续发展目标＃10 - 减少的不平等） Income share of bottom 40% of the population. SOURCE: From the speech of World Bank President Robert S. McNamara to the Annual Meeting in 1972: “The first step should be to establish specific targets, within the development plans of individual countries, for income growth among the poorest 40 percent of the population. I suggest that our goal should be to increase the income of the poorest sections of society in the short run—in five years—at least as fast as the national average. In the longer run—ten years—the goal should be to increase this growth significantly faster than the national average.” (World Bank Group 2016, 47). Indeed, McNamara, in his speech, confounded two related, but distinct, goals (disposable income, average income). They have different implications.

39 Household disposable income is the total amount of money households have available for spending and saving after subtracting income taxes and pension contributions.

40 The extension of the indicators from a national (or EU) to a global plane is “too big a stretch.” The domains may be the same, but the implementation should possibly be quite different. 从国家（或欧盟）到全球的指标的扩展“太大了。”域可能是相同的，但实施应该可能完全不同。 Three narratives about: nation-based inequality of type 1: here the population sizes are not taken into account (unweighted). The country is the unit of analysis and the weight of each country is 1 (China = Luxembourg). The calculation takes into account not actual incomes of individuals, but country averages. 从关于的三个叙述：  基于国家的第1类不平等：这里没有考虑人口规模（未加权）。 该国是分析单位，每个国家的权重为1（中国=卢森堡）。 计算考虑的不是个人的实际收入，而是考虑到国家平均水平。

41 nation-based inequality of type 2, here the population sizes are taken into account (weighted). The country is the unit of analysis and the contribution of its population to the world population is weighted (China =/= Luxembourg). The calculation takes into account not actual incomes of individuals, but country averages.基于国家的第2类不平等，这里考虑了人口规模（加权）。 该国是分析的单位，其人口对世界人口的贡献是加权的（中国= / =卢森堡）。 计算考虑的不是个人的实际收入，而是考虑到国家平均水平。 as individual-based or global inequality: here each individual person, regardless of her country, enters in the calculation with her actual income. Here access to household surveys with data on individual incomes or consumption is needed.   作为基于个人或全球的不平等：这里每个人，无论她的国家如何，都以她的实际收入计算。 在这里，需要获得有关个人收入或消费数据的住户调查。

42 What about comparing inequalities in developed and developing countries?如何比较发达国家和发展中国家的不平等？
Recall that回想起那个 «Clearly, material conditions of life in the developed countries are very different from those in developing countries. However, in terms of inequalities within individual countries, the share of national revenue which goes to the bottom fifth is often not so starkly different. Chronic inequality still exists within the developed countries, in spite of their elimination of extreme poverty.» (Giddens, 2009, p.481) “显然，发达国家的物质生活条件与发展中国家的生活条件大不相同。 但是，就个别国家内部的不平等而言，排在倒数第五位的国民收入份额往往并没有那么明显不同。 尽管消除了极端贫困，发达国家仍然存在慢性不平等。»（Giddens，2009，p.481） Sebbene le condizioni materiali di vita siano nettamente diverse nei paesi sviluppati rispetto a quelli in via di sviluppo, la parte che va al quintile più povero del paese non è così diversa nei due contesti. Inoltre sacche di povertà cronica sono ancora presenti anche nei paesi più sviluppati economicamente, a dispetto della eliminazione della povertà estrema.

43 Inequality globally speaking!从全球范围来讲的不平等！
Not yet a consolidated area of studies.还没有一个巩固的研究领域 One of the leading scholars into this field, B. Milanovic, in a recent book (2016) on global income inequality suggested that “It is time to look at income inequality not only as a national phenomenon only, but as a global one”. B. Milanovic在最近一本关于全球收入不平等的书（2016年）中提到了这一领域的领先学者之一“现在是时候将收入不平等视为一种国家现象，而不仅仅是一种全球现象”。

44 Milanovic-Roemer (2016): overall pictureMilanovic-Roemer（2016）：整体情况
Global inequality, defined as income inequality among all citizens of the world, where incomes are adjusted to reflect differences in price levels between the countries,全球不平等，定义为世界所有公民的收入不平等，其收入经过调整以反映各国之间价格水平的差异， - has been broadly stable between 1980s and early 2000s, and - 在20世纪80年代到21世纪初期间一直保持稳定  has decreased from 69 Gini points in 1988 to 67 Gini points in 2011.从1988年的69个基尼点减少到2011年的67个基尼点数。  afterwards, a further decrease, down to about 64 Gini points, has been estimated.之后，估计进一步下降，降至约64基尼点。这确实是在相对较短的时间内发生的显着下降。 This is indeed a remarkable decline that has occurred over a relatively short time period. It was driven by very high rates of income growth in China and India in particular, but also of other populous and relatively poor countries such as Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia, and others. 这主要是由于中国和印度的收入增长率非常高，而且还受到越南，泰国，印度尼西亚等其他人口众多且相对贫穷的国家的推动。 PPP Purchase power parities Un tasso di cambio che è applicato tra monete diverse in modo da capire quale può essere il valore in denaro che una persona deve spendere per pagare lo stesso bene o lo stesso servizio ad esempio sia in Italia, sia in Cina.

45 Following this line of analysis Milanovic contributed to shed some light on a few emerging consequences of income inequality seen on its the global scale. Out of many, let’s consider two suggestions:根据这一分析线，米兰诺维奇有助于揭示在全球范围内出现的收入不平等的一些新出现的后果。在众多中，让我们考虑两个建议： First the emerging role of middle classes at the global level (Milanovic, 2012): 首先是中产阶级在全球范围内的新角色（Milanovic，2012）：

46

47 The most significant increases in per capita income are observed
观察到人均收入增幅最大 在全球收入分配的最高层之中。 among the very top of the global income distribution that. The top 1% has seen its real income rise by more than 60% over those two decades;在过去的20年中，前1％的实际收入增长了60％以上; among the “emerging global middle class”, which includes more than a third of world population. The largest increases however were registered around the median: 80% real increase at the median itself and some 70% around it; 在“新兴的全球中产阶级”中，其中包括超过三分之一的世界人口。 然而，增幅最大的是中位数：中位数实际增长80％，其中约70％;

48 those at the bottom third of the global income distribution have also made significant gains, with real incomes rising between more than 40% and almost 70%;全球收入分配排在倒数第三位的人也取得了显着的收益，实际收入增长超过40％至近70％; the only exception is the poorest 5% of the population whose real incomes have remained the same;唯一的例外是最贫困的5％的人口，他们的实际收入保持不变; but the biggest losers (other than the very poorest 5%), or at least the “non-winners,” of globalization were those between the 75th and 90th percentiles of the global income distribution whose real income gains were essentially nil. 但全球化最大的输家（除了最穷的5％），或者至少是“非赢家”，都是全球收入分配的75％到90％之间，实际收入增长基本为零。

49 It is remarkable that this historic decrease in global income inequality, explained mostly by the reduction in gaps between countries’ mean incomes, has coincided with rising income inequality in most individual countries, whether advanced, middle-income or poor.值得注意的是，全球收入不平等的历史性下降，主要是由于各国平均收入差距的缩小，与大多数个别国家（无论是先进国家，中等收入国家还是穷国）收入不平等的加剧同时发生。 (For the developed countries see: OECD, 2015) （发达国家见：经合组织，2015年）

50 Second, the introduction of the idea of citizenship rent to explain much of income differences at the global level, with some sociological consequences:其次，引入公民身份租金的概念来解释全球范围内的收入差异，并带来一些社会学后果： “Our world today is still a world in which the place where we were born or where we live matters enormously, determining perhaps as much as two-thirds of our lifetime income” (2016, p.5). “我们今天的世界仍然是一个世界，在这个世界中，我们出生的地方或我们生活的地方非常重要，可能确定我们一生收入的三分之二”（2016年，第5页）。 In detail, connecting GDP data and place of residence, data show that: (…) 详细地说，连接GDP数据和居住地，数据显示：（...）

51 To what extent two variables, GDP and income income inequality in the country of residence, predict income variability at personal level?两个变量（居住国的GDP和收入不平等）在多大程度上预测个人层面的收入变化？ First, while everybody (the poor, middle class, and the rich) benefits from higher mean income, that benefit is proportionately greater for the rich classes.首先，虽然每个人（穷人，中产阶级和富人）都从较高的平均收入中受益，但富人阶层的收益却相应增加。 Second, distributional change matters to the poor and to the rich (in the opposite directions, of course), while it is of little importance to the middle class.其次，分配变化对穷人和富人（当然是相反的方向）很重要，而对中产阶级来说却并不重要。 Third: what seems to matter to the income of the middle class is whether the county is getting richer or poorer, not whether it is becoming more or less equal.第三：对中产阶级收入而言，最重要的是该县是变得更富裕还是变得更穷，而不是变得越来越平等。

52 4 Comments:. 4点评论 First: more than half of the variability in personal percentile incomes around the world are accounted for by the GDP per capita and the income inequality in the country of residence. Place of residence is therefore a lower bound to global inequality of opportunity.第一：全球个人百分位收入变异的一半以上来自人均国内生产总值和居住国的收入不平等。 因此，居住地是全球机会不平等的下限。 Second: given the income class of a person (her country and income ventile), knowing the country where that person lives is sufficient to explain about 90% of the variability of incomes globally：。第二：考虑到一个人（她的国家和收入不动产）的收入等级，了解该人居住的国家足以解释全球90％的收入变化。

53 Third: there is a trade-off between the GDP per capita of the country and its income distribution. A person who is in a low income class might prefer to live in a more egalitarian country, even if that country’s GDP per capita is less. The opposite, of course, holds for a person in a high-income class. This for the extreme income classes. 第三：在国家人均GDP与收入分配之间进行权衡。 低收入阶层的人可能更愿意生活在一个更平等的国家，即使该国家的人均GDP较低。 当然，相反的情况适用于高收入阶层的人。 这适用于极端收入阶层。 Forth: for the middle classes, national distribution is relatively unimportant because income shares of the middle ventiles do not vary much across nations, whether the nations are equal or not. For the middle classes, therefore, the mean income of the country where they live will be the key factor in determining their own income level. 第四：对于中产阶级来说，全国分布相对不重要，因为中间通风的收入份额在各国之间变化不大，无论国家是否平等。 因此，对于中产阶级而言，他们所居住国家的平均收入将是决定他们自己收入水平的关键因素。

54 Sociological issues. A very provisional sketch
Globalization may impact in rather different ways in different countries, and strain different areas of activity, concerning several and diversified groups of people, with hopes, interests and/or expectations not overlapping.全球化可能在不同的国家以相当不同的方式产生影响，并使不同的活动领域紧张，涉及多个和多样化的人群，希望，利益和/或期望不重叠 Furthermore, people’s reactions to globalization may follow rather different patterns and timing in different countries.此外，人们对全球化的反应可能在不同的国家遵循相当不同的模式和时机。 Some sociologists look at the connections that may emerge between the range of economic inequalities, estimated country by country worldwide, and political or civic participation: 一些社会学家研究了各种经济不平等之间可能出现的联系，这些联系可能是世界范围内的国家估计，以及政治或公民参与：

55 Inequalities Economy space经济空间 Political space 政治空间 Civic space 城市空间
STRAIN Inequalities STRAIN STRAIN Political space 政治空间 Civic space 城市空间

56 What is income inequality undermining, and where?什收入不平等的坏处是什么以及体现在哪里？
For instance, in a paper just published Prof. Wade Cole (2018), after working on a world wide data set on income inequality, signals that income inequality is inimical to both political and civil equality, pointing out that例如，在刚刚发表的韦德科尔教授（2018年）发表的一篇论文中，在研究了一个关于收入不平等的世界范围数据后，发现收入不平等对政治和公民平等都不利，并指出 “Income inequality is detrimental to political and civil equality. As income inequality increases, rich people enjoy greater political power and respect for civil liberties than poor people do.” “收入不平等不利于政治和公民平等。 随着收入不平等的加剧，富人比穷人享有更大的政治权力和尊重公民自由。 And furthermore “respect for even the most basic of liberties – access to justice, freedom of movement, freedom from forced labor – diminishes as income inequality increases.” “而且“即使是最基本的自由 - 获得司法，行动自由，免于强迫劳动的自由 - 随着收入不平等的增加而减少。” Suggesting that “Resurgent populisms on both sides of the ideological spectrum may be one consequence of these processes. The findings hold for developed as well as developing countries and for democratic as well as nondemocratic countries.” (pp.21-22) 建议说“意识形态两个方面的复兴民粹主义可能是这些进程的一个后果。 调查结果适用于发达国家和发展中国家以及民主国家和非民主国家。“（第21-22页）

57 Other sociologists, trying to go beyond statistical correlations, look at more general explanations.其他社会学家试图超越统计相关性，看看更一般的解释 They suggest that globalization processes (extension of markets, media, and migration) are producing new forms of social inequality and exclusion (from access to citizenships’ rights), community (space of mutual recognition) erosion , and personal humiliation (self-esteem, or -respect),他们认为全球化进程（市场，媒体和移民的扩展）正在产生新形式的社会不平等和排斥（获得公民权利），社区（相互承认的空间）侵蚀，和个人羞辱（自尊，或 - 尊重）， prompting polarization among those who can have access to resources allowing for distance communication and mobility, and those deprived of such resources.促使能够获得远距离通信和移动资源的人和那些被剥夺这些资源的人之间的两极分化。 And this is the kind of situational background that may bring about social frustration, which may turn to some form of social (politics or economy related) protest. 。这种情境背景可能带来社会挫折感，可能会转向某种形式的社会（政治或经济相关）抗议。

58 Thank you! 谢谢

59 Annexes 附件

60 References Wade M. Cole, (2018). Poor and powerless: Economic and political inequality in cross-national perspective, 1981–2011, International Sociology, 1–29. Eurostat ,(2017). Sustainable Development in the European Union, Luxembourg. - (2017). Overview of progress towards the SDGs in an EU context, , Luxembourg. A. Giddens, (2009). Sociology. A-C Guio, D. Gordon, H. Najera, M. Pomati (2017). Revising the EU material deprivation variables, Eurostat, Statistical working papers, European Union. B. Milanovic, (2016). Global inequality: A new approach for the age of globalization. Harvard University Press. - (2015). Gobal inequality of opportunity: how much of our income is determined by where we live? The Review of Economics and Statistics, 97(2): 452–460, - (2012). Global Income Inequality by the Numbers: in History and Now . An Overview, The World Bank, Policy Research Working Paper, n Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, (2015). In it together, Paris: OECD. P. Townsend , (1979). Poverty in the United Kingdom, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. - (1987). Deprivation, Journal of Social Policy, Vol. 16, No 2, pp World Bank, (2017). Global Monitoring report (2017). Monitoring Global Poverty. Report of the Commission on Global Poverty.

61 Characteristics of Different Approaches to Poverty Measurement
衡量贫困的不同方法表 Source: WB (2017), Monitoring Global Poverty. Report of the Commission on Global Poverty, p. 112.

62 “What can we say about the level of global inequality
“What can we say about the level of global inequality? What does the Gini of about 70, which is the value of global inequality, mean? One way to look at it is to take the whole income of the world and divide it into two halves: the richest 8% will take one-half and the other 92% of the population will take another half. So, it is a 92-8 world. Applying the same type of division to the US income, the numbers are 78 and 22. Or using Germany, the numbers are 71 and 29. “我们可以对全球不平等程度说些什么？大约70的基尼系数，即全球不平等的价值，意味着什么？一种看待它的方法是把全世界的收入分成两半：最富有的8％需要一半，另外92％的人口需要另外一半。所以，这是一个92-8的世界。对美国收入采用相同类型的划分，数字为78和22.或者使用德国，数字为71和29。 Another way to look at it is to compare what percentage of world population, ranked from the poorest to the richest, is needed to get to the cumulative one-fifths of global income. Three-quarters of (the poorer) world population are needed to get to the first 1/5th of total income, but only 1.7% of those at the top suffice to get to the last one-fifth.另一种看待它的方法是比较从最贫困人口到最富裕人群的世界人口比例，以达到累计五分之一的全球收入。四分之三（较贫穷的）世界人口需要达到总收入的前1/5，但只有1.7％的人能够达到最后的五分之一。 Global inequality is much greater than inequality within any individual country. Global inequality is substantially greater than inequality in Brazil as an exemplar of excessive inequality. And it is almost twice as great as inequality in the United States.” (Milanovic, 2012) 全球不平等远远大于任何一个国家的不平等。全球不平等大大超过巴西的不平等，作为过度不平等的典范。它几乎是美国不平等的两倍。“（Milanovic，2012）