(Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow of DRC)

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1 (Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow of DRC)
中国城市集中贫民区域 的形成与政策抉择 Urban Poverty-Concentrated Area In China : Formation and Policy Choices 刘守英(Liu, Shouying) 国务院发展研究中心农村部副部长、研究员 (Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow of DRC) Disclaimer: The views expressed in this document are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), its Board of Directors, or the governments they represent. ADB does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this document, and accept no responsibility for any consequence of their use. By making any designation or reference to a particular territory or geographical area, or by using the term “country” in this document, ADB does not intend to make any judgments as to the legal or other status of any territory or area.

2 一、问题的提出 I. What’s the Issue?

3 观点1:中国的农村贫困问题尽管依然很严重，但是，随着中国进入城市化社会，贫困问题正在转向“城市贫困”。 View 1: Along with its urbanization, part of China’s poverty problem has moved from rural areas to urban areas.

4 观点2：中国的城市化进程是幸运的，没有出现许多国家、尤其是发展中国家普遍面临的“贫民窟”问题。
View 2: Not like other developing countries, “Slum” has never become a problem for China during its process of urbanization.

5 在我们看来，由于城乡二元体制性障碍，中国的农村人口向城市转移的同时，农村贫困正在“平移”到城市区域，正在酿成一批既不被农村关注、也不被城市接纳的特殊贫困群体。由于中国独特的城市化模式，政府主导的城市化“要地不要人”，城市区域的原住农民土地被征收的同时，并未成为城市市民，靠剩余土地出租为生；大量非本地人口涌入后又无法融入城市，在城市化进程中形成“城乡结合部”，原住农民和外来农民工在此区域交汇，形成城乡结合部的贫困人口集中区域。 Our View: Due to the institutional barrier caused by the dual system, along with the population migration from rural to urban area, poverty has moved to urban China as well. China now is facing a special group of poor people, who are being neglected by both rural and urban areas. After land acquisitions, millions of dispossessed farmers haven’t been integrated as urban citizens, and have to live on the rents from their remaining lands. On the other side, hundreds of millions of rural migrants come to the city while cannot afford the high rent, and have to live in the “urban villages” with poor planning and infrastructure. Combining these two aspects, many urban poverty-concentrated areas were formed.

6 二、“双轨并行的城市化与城市集中贫困区域的形成
II. “Dual-track” Urbanization and formation of urban poverty-concentrated areas

7 （一）政府主导的城市化：要地不要人 中国的城市化，主要由政府主导推进。一方面，各级城市政府通过规划调整（城市总体规划修编）、行政管理体制调整（市改区、县改市、村改居）将城市圈不断外移，将农村区域纳入城市版图。另一方面，在“城市土地国有、农村土地集体所有”制度架构下，城市政府通过土地征收制度，将农村集体所有土地转性为城市国有，获得城市发展空间和资源，城市化造成农民失去土地和被排斥在城市发展之外的结果。

8 2.1. Government-led Urbanization
To facilitate urbanization, local governments at different levels all work hard to revise the overall urban master plan and to convert counties to city districts, and to convert villages to urban residential communities so as to make it easier to use agricultural land for non-agricultural purposes. With state owned urban land and rural collective owned rural land, local governments converted a lot of land from rural to urban so as to expand government control of urbanization.

9 第一、城市外延扩张。建成区面积从2000年的2. 2万平方公里增加到2011年的 4万平方公里，年均增长率为6
第一、城市外延扩张。建成区面积从2000年的2.2万平方公里增加到2011年的 4万平方公里，年均增长率为6.225% 。四直辖市城市建成区面积从1737平方公里增加到3976平方公里，年均增长率为7.816%。省会城市建成区面积从3833平方公里增加到8704平方公里，年均增长率为7.739%。地级市建成区面积从10777平方公里增加到21894平方公里，年均增长率为6.655%。

10 Firstly, local governments expand urban domains by frequently adjusting urban administrative jurisdictions and by revising Urban Master Plan. This is a type of urbanization by extensive margin to expand urban space fast. From 1995 to 2010, the area of urban built-up area increases by km2 overall or km2 per year. In the last decade, the area of cities increased very fast as shown in Table 1. From 1999 to 2008, the top 10 cities in China promote their built-up areas from 2629 km2 to 7727 km2(Figure 2).

11 年份 城区面积 城市建成区面积 1995 2003 28308 1996 2004 1997 2005 1998 2006 1999 2007 2000 878015 2008 2001 2009 2002 2010

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13 第二，城市用地主要靠征地获得。2005-2010年，中国新增居民点工矿建设用地共21,627平方公里，同期因为居民点工矿建设征地14551平方公里，征地占居民工矿用地面积的比重为67.3%。
表2 全国新增居民点工矿建设用地面积来自征地的比重： (万亩，%) 年份 用于居民点工矿建设的征地面积 征地面积占新增居民点工矿用地面积比重（%） 2005 283.4 486 58.31 2006 329.5 588 56.04 2007 373.4 475 78.61 2008 266 445 59.78 2009 499.5 440 113.52 2010 430.9 810 53.20 总计 2182.7 3244 67.28

14 Secondly, new urban space is mainly acquired through land acquisition
Secondly, new urban space is mainly acquired through land acquisition. Urban domains expand to rural areas along with the urbanization process. Collective land of farmers is expropriated by governments. From 2005 to 2010, newly increased residential land, industrial land and mining land of China amount to 21,627 km2. During the same period, the total area of land acquisition is km2 and the proportion of land expropriated in newly increased urban land reaches 67.3%.

15 征地城市化的后果： 第一、造成大批失地原住农民群体。以城市扩增2万平公里，按我国人均耕地1.35亩算，由此至少导致 万人口失去土地。由于大多数被征地农民保留农民身份，他们成为被城市排斥的“无地、无保障、自谋职业”农民。 Under the current land requisition system, fast urbanization has led to tens of millions of landless farmers left undercompensated.

16 第二、土地城市化快于人口城市化。世界银行的统计数据显示，中国过去一段时期内城市面积扩张的速度达到年均7%，而城市人口的年均增长率略高于3%。在中国十大城市中，除汕头以外的其它城市的建成区面积的扩展都快于城市人口的增长。

17 Secomdly,ly, the speed of urban spatial expansion is much higher than that of population urbanization. The statistics of The World Bank reveals that the average annual growth of urban areas reached 7% between 1995 and 2008 while the urban population growth was about 3% per year at the same time. This phenomenon exists in all top ten cities of China except Shantou.

18 一旦将中国常驻人口与户籍人口的统计差异考虑进去，中国土地城市化快于人口城市化的特征就更加显著。2010年，中国以常住人口统计的城市化率达到49.95%，但是，按户籍统计的城市化率仅33.77%，二者相差16个百分点。城市的发展吸引了大量外来人口（主要是农民工）到城市就业和生活，但是他们无法在社会保障、就业、医疗和教育等领域与具有城市户籍的享有同等的权利。

19 This feature becomes more significant when we consider the statistical discrepancy of urban population statistics and the urban population statistics with permanent household registration status. In 2010, the urbanization rate reached 49.95% while the urban population statistics with permanent household registration status is 33.77% of total population, for a 16% difference. The expansion of urban areas attracted numerous rural residents to work and live in urban areas even though they cannot share the same rights with urban households with permanent residence cares.

20 2.2.农民自发的城市化：法外空间的蔓延 随着2.5亿农民工涌入城市，在 “城乡结合部”或“城中村”区域自动自发的城市化在如火如荼地展开。一方面，外地人口为了谋求非农就业和更高的收入机会，流向城市。面对流动人口涌入带来的居住需求上升，划入城市圈的城乡结合部原住农民以剩余土地（包括宅基地、原集体经营性用地和公益性用地）“种房”出租，分享城市化带来的级差收益。

21 2.2. Spontaneous urbanization initiated by local farmers
  The urbanization along this track usually exists in city fringe where migrant populations find shelter in their move to cities for higher income and better non-agricultural jobs. This leads to a booming rental house market in these places. As a result, local peasants could build house for rental purpose and share benefits of land value appreciation in urbanization

22 主要城市城中村基本情况 城市 城中村个数 城中村面积（单位：平方公里） 城中村内原住民人口（单位：万人） 全市流动人口数（单位：万人） 北京
346 190 704 广州 138 266.48 500多 深圳 320 390 595 1200 天津 66 8 21 380 武汉 162 213.82 35.66 142 昆明 382 40 60多 198

23 第一，大多数土地被征收后的原住农民，利用 “剩余土地”——集体经营性用地、公益性用地和农民宅基地，盖房出租或将土地非法转让或转租给外地人或企业使用，形成独立于政府土地和住房市场之外的法外集体土地和房屋租赁“灰市场”。北京市的城乡结合部地区涉及77个街道乡镇、1673个村（社区），保留的农民集体自用土地有300多万亩。

24 Firstly, local farmers who own land including collective construction land, residential land, can lease the land to outsiders or companies illegally. This lead to a “gray rental market” outside the state-led formal market. The gray market is so huge that governments cannot neglect it. In Beijing, for example it consist of 77 towns and 1673 villages and also they occupy a land area of more than 200 square kilometers

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26 深圳市现有建设用地面积917.77平方公里，原农村集体经济组织共占用约390平方公里，其中仅有95平方公里为合法用地（参见图7）。广州市 “旧城镇、旧村庄、旧厂房”用地494.1平方公里，其中356.7平方公里属于集体建设用地，占“三旧用地”总量的72.2%。

27 The total area of construction land in Shenzhen is 917
The total area of construction land in Shenzhen is Square kilometers. The land used by the rural collective organizations take up about 390 Square kilometers, of which only 95 Square kilometers are legally developed (See Figure 9). The area of land taken up by old towns, old villages and old factories is square kilometers, of which square kilometers are labeled as collective construction land, accounting for 72.2% of the total.

28 第二，城乡结合部区域是流动人口城市化的主要区域。由于这些区域房屋租金低廉，成为外来人口主要聚集区。北京市直到20世纪80年代，外来流动人口规模仅20万左右，到2007年末，居住半年以上的外来人口达420万，比30年前净增400万，占人口增量的52%。目前北京市流动人口超过700万，且以每年约40万人的速度在增长，城乡结合部地区栖居的流动人口占全市流动人口总量的52.63%。

29 Secondly, urban fringe is the main locations where migrants live
Secondly, urban fringe is the main locations where migrants live. These regions become ghetto of migrant population who seek cheap housing. The total migrant population who stayed in Beijing for more than six months was about 200,000 by 1980s. By the end of 2007, it has reached 4,200,000, which accounts for 52% of newly increased population and it means a net increase of 4 million since At present, the floating population in Beijing is over 7 million with an increase of 400,000 every year. The residents living in fringe takes up 52.63% of total floating population in Beijing.

30 第三，城乡结合部区域的基础设施和公共服务由村集体组织自我提供。与政府主导的城市化不同，城乡结合部的基础设施由于没有纳入城市市政设施体系，只能由农民集体组织自行提供；此外，这些城中村的人口、环境治理和治安维护等公共服务也没有纳入城市公共服务体系，只能由村集体组织自行提供。因此，大多数城中村为了提供这些公共服务，处于超负荷运转。

31 Thirdly, infrastructure construction and public service of fringe areas are provided mainly by village collective organizations. Different from the government-led urbanization, these infrastructures are not up to the municipal standards. Moreover, the public service such as population and environment management and public security are also provided by the village collective organizations. As a result, most of urban villages are overloaded.

32 城乡结合部的存在，为本地农民增加收入、以房租分享城市化带来的级差收益提供了机会，为外地人口以低房租成本和生活成本在城市谋生提供了方便，也解决了城市对不同层次产业工人、服务业者的需要。但是，城乡结合部的自我无序蔓延，也带来大量社会问题，滋生越来越严重的“城市病”。

33 The existence of city fringe areas has improved the income of local farmers. At the same time, it makes life easier for migrants by reducing rents and living costs. Migrant worker also provide cheap labors and contribute to urban development. However, the social disorder which spreads in fringe areas also brings numerous problems and especially the so-called “urban disease”.

34 一是人口资源环境矛盾加剧。北京城乡结合部的大多数村庄都存在严重的人口倒挂，本地人口与外地人口之比为1：1
一是人口资源环境矛盾加剧。北京城乡结合部的大多数村庄都存在严重的人口倒挂，本地人口与外地人口之比为1：1.2。流动人口万人以上的街道乡镇共有70个，流动人口数量超过户籍人口的社区（村）有667个。人口聚集过度，资源和环境的承载过量，矛盾极为突出。

35 Firstly, environment pressure is intensified
Firstly, environment pressure is intensified .The migrant population in most urban villages is very high. The ratio of local residents to migrant population is 1:1.2 in Beijing. The number of townships with floating population over 10,000 is 70 and the number of communities in which migrant population is larger than local population is 667. That definitely means a heavy environment pressure

36 二是违法违规建设严重，城市化成本上升。农民为获得更多补偿，一般采取多增加地上附着物的办法，导致征地拆迁前的乱搭乱建、抢栽枪种现象非常严重。海南省陵水县黎安镇1993年征地时曾出现一晚上死一千人、多出一千个坟墓的离奇事件，仅此一项就多出拆迁成本400万元。三亚月川居委会在短短几年内抢建的违章建筑达到355栋、15万平方米。按当前当地平均2200元／平方米的拆迁成本估算，该村因违章建筑增加的拆迁成本不下于3亿元，单宗房屋总面积超过1000平米的有19宗；6层及以上的有18宗，最高的楼房建有8层。拥有两宗以上的有8户。

37 Secondly, illegal construction increases the total cost of urbanization. To get more compensation for land requisition, local farmers usually build cheap and low quality housing. The phenomena of illegal constructions and planting become very frequent. It is not surprising that 1,000 tombs appeared overnight during land requisition in Li’an Town of Hainan Province in 1993, which led to a compensation cost of 4 million. In construction of Haitang Bay in Sanya, local government even checked up the illegal phenomena by founding a special team but it still did not work. In some localities, compensations for attached buildings is even 10 times higher than the compensation for land.

38 表5 月川社区集体土地违章建房统计表 单位：宗、平方米、层 建房 时间 宗数 平均占地面积 平均房屋面积 平均 层数 1983 1 170
表5 月川社区集体土地违章建房统计表 单位：宗、平方米、层 建房 时间 宗数 平均占地面积 平均房屋面积 平均 层数 1983 1 170 36.04 1999 5 232.6 370.57 2 1986 255 321.16 2000 10 162.8 261.98 1988 504 464.07 2001 7 197.14 254.87 1989 3 240 351.71 2.33 2002 8 208.75 376.41 2.69 1990 210 286.27 1.67 2003 49 195.88 409.28 2.77 1991 105.63 183.95 2004 159.18 350.29 2.57 1992 185 175.07 2005 83 182.37 531.14 3.27 1993 121.88 133.57 1.38 2006 53 177.11 494.91 1994 206.71 169.99 1.57 2007 17 137.18 461.95 3.38 1995 12 209.17 277.41 1.92 2008 9 169.44 515.40 1996 6 202.17 252.82 2009 271 1514 1997 150 130.20 2.50 179.22 411.52 2.72 1998 165.22 200 总计 355

39 三是社会问题凸显并呈加剧态势。由于基础设施建设落后,环境承载力超负荷,城乡结合部地区环境卫生状况差,垃圾遍地、污水横流现象随处可见，用水不足和上厕所难问题突出。交通秩序差，部分区域黑车运营情况突出，交通拥堵严重，交通安全隐患较大。教育、医疗等基础设施也严重不足。尤其是治安隐患严重，这些区域刑事、治安案件多发，人员构成复杂及更迭频繁，有些地区还形成一定的区域势力，引发群体性事件。北京市70%的治安、刑事案件发生在城乡结合部地区。

40 Thirdly, social problems are intensifying
Thirdly, social problems are intensifying. Because of the insufficient infrastructure development, the overload of environment and the poor living conditions, there is insufficient water as well as toilets. Poor traffic order brings serious congestion as well as serious traffic safety. Illegal taxies exist in many urban villages. Education, health care and other basic facilities are inadequate. Crime occurs frequently. The structure of residents could also easily lead to mass incidents. According to related statistics, 70 percent of crime incidents in Beijing occur in urban fringe areas.

41 三、政策建议 III. Policy Recommendations

42 （一）将城乡结合部区域纳入城市发展合法空间。一是将城乡结合部区域纳入城市规划。二是承认城乡结合部地区原住农民对剩余集体土地的开发权。
Firstly, the local governments must integrate fringe areas into their development zones through urban planning and land institution innovation (to acknowledge the local farmers’ developing rights on their remaining land).

43 （二）将城乡结合部原住农民彻底变为城市市民。地方城市政府统一将被征地原住农民纳入与城市市民同等的社保、养老、医疗体系，成为真正的城市市民。
Secondly, convert local farmers to urban citizens. Local governments should provide the same social security, pension, and medical services to indigenous farmers of fringe areas as their urban counterparts.

44 （三）改变征地城市化模式。允许城乡结合部农民利用剩余土地盖廉租房，解决外地人口进入城市后的居住问题。
Thirdly, change the current urbanization patterns, which mainly rely on land acquisitions. Government should allow local farmers and communities to build low-rent apartments for migrants.

45 （四）建立全国统一的基础社会保障包，促进人口流动。由中央政府建立基础社会保障包，保障外地人口得到基本的公共服务和社会保障，逐步解决外地人口的城市融入问题。
Fourthly, the central government must set up a national network of mobile social security to accelerate the population migration. The national network can help the rural migrants to have access to the basic public service and social security in urban areas, and thus promote the urbanization of the population.

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