有限資源的非道德性 限制條件
誰是哈維爾(Vaclav Havel)
1956年10月23日 匈牙利十月事件爆发
莫洛托夫雞尾酒
Alexander Dubcek and the 'Prague Spring‘ 杜布契克與布拉格之春 Alexander Dubcek 1921-1992
1968: Russia brings winter to 'Prague Spring'
1968: Russia brings winter to 'Prague Spring'
Milan Kundera, The Unbearable Lightness of Being, and Prague Milan Kundera, The Unbearable Lightness of Being, and Prague
布拉格的春天
Che Guevara Though communism may have lost its fire, Cuban revolutionary leader Ernesto "Che" Guevara at Havana airport in 1962 Che Guevara Though communism may have lost its fire, he remains the potent symbol of rebellion and the alluring zeal of revolution.
革命前夕的-摩托車日記 The Motorcycle Diaries
Che Guevara Though communism may have lost its fire, Cuban revolutionary leader Ernesto "Che" Guevara at Havana airport in 1962 Che Guevara Though communism may have lost its fire, he remains the potent symbol of rebellion and the alluring zeal of revolution.
The last words of a revolotionist “I know you have come to kill me. Shoot, coward, you are only going to kill a man”。 Che Guevara 1967,10,9
Aug. 8, 1960
台灣國際詩歌節 切.格瓦拉之子來台 2014年12月12日
走出白色巨塔 憤青祕魯當志工 李尚儒
中國大陸文化大革命 Workers and students march in Paris, May 1968.
誰是哈維爾(Vaclav Havel)
Charter 77 was very much Havel's baby, although he did not write it alone. It was an appeal to the government to respect the basic human rights and freedoms to which Czechoslovakia had committed itself with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights signed in Helsinki in 1975. By 5th January 1977 when Charter 77 was published, it had 242 signatories.
5 October 1936 – 18 December 2011
Davos World Economic Forum 1992 Meeting
Davos World Economic Forum Annual Meeting
Summer Dvos Forum in China
哈維爾的”近代紀元的終結” The End of Modern Era 哈維爾(Vaclav Havel) 哈維爾的”近代紀元的終結” The End of Modern Era
The New York Times, Sunday, March 1st, 1992 THE END OF THE MODERN ERA Vaclav Havel The end of Communism is, first and foremost, a message to the human race. It is a message we have not yet fully deciphered and comprehended. In its deepest sense, the end of Communism has brought a major era in human history to an end. It has brought an end not just to the 19th and 20th centuries, but to the modern age as a whole 在最深層的意義上,共產主義的終結,是人類一個主要世紀的終結。不只是十九二十世 紀,而是整個的近代紀元。 The modern era has been dominated by the culminating belief, expressed in different forms, that the world - and Being as such - is a wholly knowable system governed by a finite number of universal laws that man can grasp and rationally direct for his own benefit. 相信世界是一完整知識體系,這體系被有限的宇宙定律所宰制,而人類可以據以掌握並且因之獲利。 This era, beginning in the Renaissance and developing from the Enlightenment to socialism. from positivism to scientism, from the Industrial Revolution to the information revolution, was characterized by rapid advances in rational. cognitive thinking. 這個紀元,由文藝復興到啟蒙主義到社會主義,從實証主義到科學主義,從工業革命到資訊革命,它的特性是推理認知思維的快速變革。
This, in turn, gave rise to the proud belief that man, as the pinnacle of everything that exists, was capable of objectively describing, explaining and controlling everything that exists, and of possessing the one and only truth about the world. 讓人類有一個信念,做為萬物之靈,我們有客觀的能力來描述、解釋和控制任何存在之物,並獲取一個而且是唯一的一個宇宙的真理。 It was an era in which there was a cult of depersonalized objectivity, an era in which objective knowledge was amassed and technologically exploited, an era of belief in automatic progress brokered by the scientific method. It was an era of systems. institutions, mechanisms and statistical averages. 這是信奉去個人化客觀、客觀知識盛行科技大用、相信科學方法必定帶來進步的一個世紀,一個系統體系,工具機制以及統計平均的世紀。 It was an era of ideologies, doctrines, interpretations of reality, an era in which the goal was to find a universal theory of the world, and thus a universal key to unlock its prosperity. 這一個世紀的目標,就是尋找一個世界的宇宙定律,找尋一個打開其中財富的宇宙鑰匙。 Communism was the perverse extreme of this trend. It was an attempt, on the basis of a few propositions masquerading as the only scientific truth, to organize all of life according to a single model, and to subject it to central planning and control regardless of whether or not that was what life wanted. 共產主義正是這種趨勢中的一個極端,是建基在幾個假稱為科學真理的假想之上,想要根據單一的簡單模式來宰制人類的生活。全然根據一種集中式的計畫和控制,而不論人們是否需要。
這個紀元創造出頭一個全地球的科技文明 ,但其發展已面臨極限,越此即萬丈深淵。共產主義的終結對全人類是一嚴重警訊。 The fall of Communism can be regarded as a sign that modern thought - based on the premise that the world is objectively knowable, and that the knowledge so obtained can be absolutely generalized - has come to a final crisis. 共產主義的崩潰可以視之為一個訊息,也就是一個建基在認為這是世界是一個客觀的知識,而且這樣的一種知識是具有絕對普適性的信念,已經遇到了一個巨大的危機。 This era has created the first global, or planetary. technical civilization, but it has reached the limit of its potential, the point beyond which the abyss begins. The end of Communism is a serious warning to all mankind. It is a signal that the era of arrogant, absolutist reason is drawing to a close and that it is high time to draw conclusions from that fact. 這個紀元創造出頭一個全地球的科技文明 ,但其發展已面臨極限,越此即萬丈深淵。共產主義的終結對全人類是一嚴重警訊。 這訊息告訴我們,一個傲慢的絕對主義推理的世紀已經接近終點,而現在正是由那個事實真相裏得到結論的一個關鍵時刻。
Communism was not defeated by military force, but by life, by the human spirit, by conscience, by the resistance of Being and man to manipulation. It was defeated by a revolt of color, authenticity, history all its variety and human individuality against imprisonment within a uniform ideology. 共產主義不是被軍事力量所擊敗,而是被真實的生活,人類的精神,良知,對生命和人類操控的反抗,以及對將多元、真實、人類個別多變歷程禁制在單一意識形態的反抗所擊敗。 This powerful signal is coming at the 11th hour. We all know civilization is in danger. The population explosion and the greenhouse effect, holes in the ozone and AIDS, the threat of nuclear terrorism and the dramatically widenmg gap between the rich north and the poor south, the danger of famine, the depletion of the biosphere and the mineral resources of the planet, the expansion of commercial television culture and the growing threat of regional wars -all these, combined with thousands of other factors, represent a general threat to mankind. 這強而有力的訊息來得正是時候。我們都知道人類文明處在危險之中,人口爆炸,溫室效應,臭氧層破洞,愛滋病,核子恐怖主義的威脅,南北國家的巨大貧富懸殊,饑荒的危機,地球生物礦物資源耗竭,商業電視文明擴張以及區域戰爭的威脅。
The large paradox at the moment is that man - a great collector of information - is well aware of all this, yet is absolutely incapable of dealing with the danger. 最大的矛盾是,人類知道這些危險,卻完全沒有能力去處理這些危險。 Traditional science, with its usual coolness, can describe the different ways we might destroy ourselves, but it cannot offer us truly effective and practicable instructions on how to avert them. 制式的科學是冷酷的,可以描述許多種不同的可能摧毀我們自己的方式,但是對於如何去改正,卻不能給我們提供真正有效而可行的指導。 There is too much to know; the information is muddled or poorly organized: these processes can no longer be fully grasped and understood, let alone contained or halted. 問題是知識太多,但是訊息混雜,不能帶來真正的了解,更不要說去規範和控制它們。 We are looking for new scientific recipes, new ideologies, new control systems. new institutions, new instruments to eliminate the dreadful consequences of our previous recipes, ideologies, control systems, institutions and instruments. We treat the fatal consequences of technology as though they were a technical defect that could be remedied by technology alone. 我們處理這些科技的致命後果,認為它們只不過是技術的瑕疵,光是靠技術就可以矯正。 We are looking for an objective way out of the crisis of objectivism. 我們在尋找一種脫離客觀主義危機的客觀方法。 Everything would seem to suggest that this is not the way to go. We cannot devise, within the traditional modern attitude to reality, a system that will eliminate all the disastrous consequences of previous systems We cannot discover a law or theory whose technical application will eliminate all the disastrous consequences of the technical application of earlier laws and technologies. 看起來這一切都不是可行之道 。我們不可能在當今制式面對世界的態度中,去建構一個能去除過去制度所造成致命後果的新制度。我們不可能發現一個定律,來去除那些根據以前定律之科技應用所造成的致命後果。
我們現在需要的是一些不同的,一些更周全的。人類面對世界的態度必須有巨大的改變。 What is needed is something different, some-thing larger. Man's attitude to the world must be radically change. 我們現在需要的是一些不同的,一些更周全的。人類面對世界的態度必須有巨大的改變。 We have to abandon the arrogant belief that the world is merely a puzzle to be solved, a machine with instructions for use waiting to be discovered, a body of information to be fed into a computer in the hope that, sooner or later, it will spit out a universal solution. 我們必須放棄一種傲慢的信念,認定世界只是一個待解之謎,等待被發現的一具有用的特殊機器,一個可輸入電腦的訊息有機體,而盼望著遲早會得到一個普適解答。 It is my profound conviction that we have to release from the sphere of private whim such forces as a natural, unique and unrepeatable experience of the world, 這是我最深的信念,我們必須由這個自以為是,認定是自然、唯一且不可再現的世界經驗裏解放出來。 an elementary sense of justice, the ability to see things as others do, a sense of transcendental responsibility, archetypal wisdom, good taste, courage, compassion and. faith in the Importance of particular measures that do not aspire to be a universal key to salvation. Such forces must be rehabilitated. 對於正義的基本感受,能夠有將心比心的能力,超自然的責任感,不同凡屬的智慧,好的品味,勇氣,熱情,對於一些不會成為宇宙救贖特定規範的重要性之信念。 這些信念都必需恢復。 Things must once more be given a chance to present themselves as they are. to be perceived in their individuality. We must see the pluralism of the world, and not bind it by seeking common denominators or reducing everything to a single common equation. 世界必須再次得到呈現它們原本面目的機會,認知到它們的個別差異性。我們必須看到世界的多元性,而不是盲目追求一個公約數,或者把所有事情化約成一個方程式。
We must try harder to understand than to explain. 我們必須更努力的去了解而不只是去解釋。 The way forward is not in the mere construction of universal systemic solutions. to be applied to reality from the outside; it is also in seeking to get to the heart of reality through personal experience. Such an approach promotes an atmosphere of tolerant solidarity and unity in diversity based on mutual respect, genuine pluralism and parallelism. 必須有一個新思維,就是建基於相互尊重之上,一種對於分化中休戚與共和團結的寬容,有真正的多元性和包容性。 In a word, human uniqueness, human action and the human spirit must be rehabilitated. 一言以蔽之,必須恢復人類的獨特性,人類的行為以及人類的精神。 The world today is a world in which generality, objectivity and universalityare in crisis. This world presents a great challenge to the practice of politics, which, it seems to me, still has a technocratic, utilitarian approach to Being, and therefore to political power as well. 今天的世界,對我來說,還是一種專技和功利的生命態度,也是同樣的一種政治態度。 Many of the traditional mechanisms of democracy created and developed and conserved in the modern era are so linked to the cult of objectivity and statistical average that they can annul human individuality. 在近代紀元中的許多正統的民主機制,是與抹煞人類個別性的客觀以及平均統計信念深深的聯結著。 We can see this in political language,一where cliche often squeezes out a personal tone. And when a personal tone does crop up, it is usually calculated, not an outburst of personal authenticity. 政治言辭中盡是陳腔濫調,每一個言辭都精於算計,沒有人的真實。
Sooner or later politics will be faced with the task of finding a new, postmodern face. A politician must become a person again, someone who trusts not only a scientific representation and analysis of the world, but also the world itself. 政治家必須要重新做一個人,不是只相信科學對於世界的表徵和分析,更要相信世界本身。 He must believe not only in sociological statistics, but also in real people. 不能只相信社會統計,要相信真正的人。 He must trust not only an objective interpretation of reality, but also his own soul; not only an adopted ideology, but also his own thoughts; not only the summary reports he receives each morning. but also his own feeling. 他不能夠只相信真實世界的客觀解釋,還要相信他自己的靈魂,不只是採用一種意識形態,而還要有他自己的思想,不只是他每天早上所收到的綜合報告,還有他自己的感受。 Soul, individual spirituality. first-hand personal insight into things; the courage to be himself and go the way his conscience points, humility in the face of the mysterious order of Being. confidence in its natural direction and, above all, trust in his own subjectivity as his principal link with the subjectivity of the world - these are the qualities that politicians of the future should cultivate. 靈魂,個人精神,對事的直覺,做自己及照自己良知而行的勇氣以及謙遜面對生命的未知。相信天成的方向,特別是面對真實世界時相信自己的真實主觀,未來的政治家都需要這種特質。 Looking at politics "from the inside," as it were, has if anything confirmed my belief that the world of today - with the dramatic changes it is going through and in its determination not to destroy itself - presents a great challenge to politicians. It is not that we should simply seek new and better ways of managing society, the economy and the world. The point is that we should fundamentally change how we behave And who but politicians should lead the way? Their changed attitude toward the world, themselves and their responsibility can give rise to truly effective systemic and institutional changes. 我們不只是再要追求更新更好的方法,來操控社會經濟和整個世界,重要的是我們要由根本上改變我們的行事作為。 的
誰是喬治布朗 (George Brown Jr)
Late Congressman George Brown Jr.
Pork-Barrel Politics 分贓政治
二次戰後支持科學研究經費暴增,亦演成科學社群主流力量宰制和國家目的(軍事或商業因素)驅動的局面。 「二次大戰以來,美國擁有博士學位的科學家的增加,超過全國人口成長的速度。基礎科學的群體的擴展,基本上是研究經費增加的一種市場反應。」 「對於科學客觀性,一種文化上的過度尊崇,會造成僵硬政治教條的效果,且必然是主觀而帶有價值判斷的。」 他並且在文中引述美國艾森豪總統的話, 「我們固然必須尊重科學研究和發現,但也千萬要警覺,公共政策成為科學菁英宰制所可能造成的等同危險。」 布朗在《科學》雜誌上的專文〈理性的科學,不理性的現實:對基礎研究和社會的一個國會觀點〉 <Rational Science,Irrational Reality,A congressional Perspective on Basic Research and Society>George Brown Jr. <Science> Oct.1992
今天面對的挑戰,不是增加研究經費問題,而是改善社會。 我們能不能創造教育和經濟機會?能不能提供學術討論空間?能不能在一個公平、人道的社會中,給予人們發揮潛力的自由?如果上述條件都能做到,科學研究才會大放光芒。 布朗在《科學》雜誌專文 〈理性的科學,不理性的現實:對基礎研究和社會的一個國會觀點〉 <Rational Science,Irrational Reality,A congressional Perspective on Basic Research and Society> George Brown Jr. 《 Science》Oct.1992
誰是布里辛斯基 (Zbigniew Brzezinski)
Zbigniew Brzezinski President Carter's National Security Adviser
布里辛斯基 (Zbigniew Brzezinski) "失控“ Out of Control --Global Turmoil on the Eve of the 21th Century
放任的富裕 (Permissive Cornucopia)
The End of History Francis Fukuyama 法蘭西斯·福山 What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular period of post-war history, but the end of history as such: that is, the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.“ The End of History Francis Fukuyama 《 The National Interest 》 1989
放任的富裕造成惡果
金融風暴的科學因素 全球爆發金融風暴,一般討論的多謂是過度擴張信用消費,長期累積造成經濟體質衰竭,而病癥一現,造成信心崩潰,經濟衰退便成不可遏止之勢。目前探究問題大多都在經濟現象打轉,然而這些現象又是孰令致之? 在經濟現象的背後,有一個生產力供需問題,其實與近代科學息息相關,而今日顯現的金融困境,究其原因,也與近代科學思維密不可分。 回顧近代科學的發展歷史,十七世紀以後近代科學逐漸在歐洲成就其主流思維地位,實證運作而來的強大致用力量,正是主因。近代科學在歐洲的鵠起,一路皆是拜這個致用之功;工業革命是造就歐洲繁盛的起步,因科學力量而來的船堅砲利,使歐洲的繁盛更上層樓,十九世紀末到二十世紀初,歐洲幾個列強就幾乎瓜分了整個非洲。如果說今日的歐洲有些文明鼎盛,其背後正是科學提供的搶奪力量所造成。 二十世紀科學在產業經濟的創新力量,更是勢如日中天。近代國家經濟體系的整併獨占,資本主義的推波助瀾,更強化了科學主導經濟產業發展的影響力,這種發展到二十世紀達於頂峰,國家經濟體累積大量相對財富,也創造出大量與生存非直接相關的產業人口,所謂中產階級是一個代表,近些年來大量增加的高科技新貴,更是一個表徵。 這種經濟發展造就的新階級,事實來自資本主義市場制度的相對價值,這種價值並不直接以資產本身素材為準,是以市場需要強度決定,這造成了某種脫離實際供需關係,完全以滿足消費慾望為目的的價值認定。 這一回的金融風暴,起因正是這種相對價值無限擴張所衍生的問題,這些金融商品的價值,一如支持其購買力的科技產品價值,都是過度脫離直接需求,由市場需求決定。 因此如果說今天的金融風暴要指責的是過度的經濟和消費擴張,或缺乏法制的規範管制,那麼科學所提供的一種立竿見影的因果思維,高科技所提供的便宜利用火力,亦難辭其咎。 ------------ 但是這些對於近代科學的反省聲音,在全球國家追求經濟成長的熱烈競賽中,卻如馬耳東風,終於導致了今天的金融風暴,以及經濟的大危機。 在目前野火蔓延的金融風暴中,解決急迫問題的救火作為,似乎是各個國家不得不採取的行動,但是如果從長遠來看,一種新的思維,特別是完全改變過去因為科學成功所帶來的立竿見影,甚至可以說是一種急功近利的心態,可能才是根本的解決之道。 一九九二年哈維爾的文章曾經這樣寫道,「這是一個崇拜非個人化客觀思維的世代,一個累聚知識和竭用技術的世代,一個篤信由科學方法帶來進步的世代,一個系統、體制化、機械化以及統計平均的世代,一個以尋找世界普適解答,以及找出造就繁盛方法為目標的世代。」哈維爾認為,這個世代已經終結。 全球金融風暴正是近代科學造就近代紀元的一個危殆之徵,是歐洲文化的一個內在病癥,如同史賓格勒所說一個文化內在之癌的發作。 金融風暴對於傳承迥異的我人文化來說,則是一個以新思維走出新局面的歷史契機。
何不食肉糜的現代啟示錄
高科技產業競爭 少年飆車式的發展
Late Congressman George Brown Jr.
竭澤而漁的近代醫療 企業系統 Health Care (健康醫療) Sickness Care (病態醫療)
世界的真實現況 可交換的軟體 和 不可交換的生存
FORUM ENGELBERG 1989-1999: Ten Successful Years Bridging the Future The idea of FORUM ENGELBERG originated in the desire to find a philosophical equivalent for the Large Electron Positron Collider (LEP), the world's largest particle accelerator which was switched on by CERN in 1989. The aim was to create an International platform for debate amongst illustrious specialists working in such diverse fields as science, technology, economics, philosophy, politics and culture, providing opportunities for them to exchange views and discuss key issues affecting research and modern science which are of interest to the whole human race.The Forum responds to a double challenge: each year a different theme is chosen and analysed from a top-level scientific and interdisciplinary viewpoint. FORUM ENGELBERG was founded in 1989 as a non-profit autonomous organization (scientific association) under Art. 60 of the Swiss Civil Code. It has International status and its aims are non-political, non-denominational and open to all cultures of the world.
Forum Engelberg 1997 FOOD & WATER Forum Engelberg 1997 FOOD & WATER A QUESTION OF SURVIVAL 18-21 March 1997 - 8th Conference President: SONG Jian State Councillor, Minister, People's Republic of China, Beijing Co-President: Jakob NÜESCH President, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, Zürich with the participation of the representative of the Swiss Confederation: J.-Pascal DELAMURAZ , Federal Councillor, Federal Department of Economic Affairs, Switzerland, Bern Copyright: ASSOCIATION FORUM ENGELBERG
Engelberg by night. Mt. Titliss Rotair, Engelberg
Forum Engelberg 1997 FOOD & WATER Forum Engelberg 1997 FOOD & WATER A QUESTION OF SURVIVAL 18-21 March 1997 - 8th Conference President: SONG Jian State Councillor, Minister, People's Republic of China, Beijing Co-President: Jakob NÜESCH President, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, Zürich with the participation of the representative of the Swiss Confederation: J.-Pascal DELAMURAZ , Federal Councillor, Federal Department of Economic Affairs, Switzerland, Bern Copyright: ASSOCIATION FORUM ENGELBERG
宋健,著名控制論專家,中國科學院與中國工程院院士。 中國國務委員、國家科委主任、中國工程院院長。 “星火計劃”、“火炬計畫”的倡儀者和領導人。
Saturday December 13th 2003
朱門酒肉臭,路有凍死骨 Saturday December 13th 2003
The path to malnourishment An International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) model, developed by division director Mark Rosegrant, explores what might happen in the face of the recession. If global economic annual growth falls by 2–3 percentage points below recent years' figure of about 5%, and agricultural investment declines in parallel by 20% — a realistic scenario — this would result in cereal prices 30% above what is expected without a recession by 2020 (ref. 2). Globally, 16 million more children would be malnourished. However, if spending on agricultural research and development (R&D) is maintained (assuming a modest 3% decline in investment growth) in the face of this recession, cereal prices would be about 15% lower than the non-recession baseline in 2020, and malnutrition would be about the same as in the baseline scenario (see graph).
Between 2005 and summer 2008, the international prices of wheat and maize (corn) tripled, and that of rice grew fivefold. Poor people typically spend 50–70% of their income on food,and their wages did not adjust quickly enough to compensate for their shrinking purchasing power. From 2003–05 to 2007, the number of undernourished people increased from some 848 million to 923 million, largely because of the food-price crisis1.
增加農業研究經費 Doubling all agricultural R&D in developing countries between 2008 and 2013, from US$5 billion to $10 billion, could increase agricultural growth by 1.1 percentage points a year, and lift about 282 million people out of poverty by 2020 (ref. 2). Although this would mark a historic turnaround in such investment, it pales in comparison to the financial bailout costs. Much investment will have to be facilitated by public sources, in view of the deepening shortage of private capital and the risky investment climate. Institutions such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank have recently reversed their declining investments in agriculture, with substantial increases seen in 2007 and 2008. Such trends need to continue.
Ethiopia is once again facing the prospect of widespread famine More than one-third of children in the United States live in low-income families,[1] meaning their parents earn up to double what is considered poverty in this country. The federal poverty level for a family of four (2004) is $18,850.[2] Ethiopia is once again facing the prospect of widespread famine as 11 million people suffer severe food shortages.
南亞及太平洋地區 6億4200萬
2009年羅馬糧食安全高峰會議 在今天,就會有超過一萬七千名兒童餓死,每五秒一人死亡,每年有六百萬兒童餓死。 世界糧食充足有餘,饑民卻超過十億。 ------聯合國祕書長潘基文
全球人口突破七十億 1999年 六十億 2011年 七十億 全球人口從六十億暴增到七十億,只花了十二年的時間。
Anthropocene 人類世來了嗎? 知識新知 07/01/2011 知識新知 07/01/2011 目前已有地質學家在討論,地質世代中是否應加入一個「人類世」。雖然人類影響地球至鉅,無庸置疑,但是否足以稱為「人類世」,仍有爭議。 顧名思義,人類世指的是人類影響地質紀錄的一段時期,負責協調會議,諾丁罕「英國地質調查所」變遷計畫主任艾利斯(Michael Ellis)說,「我們正設法讓人類世正式定名。科學家希望增列此一時期,改變全球決策者的思維,提醒人類對地球所造成的衝擊。」 有人反對讓人類世入列。英國萊斯特大學,會議的共同召集人,地層學家札拉希維茨(Jan Zalasiewicz)表示,有人認為言之過早,可能是傲慢心態,但也可能真的認為無義意。聲稱自己立場絕對中立的札拉希維茨,同時是一個工作小組的主席,小組的任務是代表「國際地層學委員會」,調查人類世定名提案的有效性。 人類世這個新詞,最早是公元兩千年,由任職於德國緬茨「馬克斯普朗克化學研究所」的諾貝爾化學獎得主克魯琛 (Paul Crutzen)和他的同事提出。其後,這個名詞開始出現於同行評審的論文中,就好像它是技術術語,而不是科學俚語。
Science's new social contract with society MICHAEL GIBBONS Michael Gibbons, a former director of the Science Policy Research Unit at the University of Sussex, is now secretary-general of the Association of Commonwealth Universities, 36 Gordon Square, London WC1H 0PF, UK. Under the prevailing contract between science and society, science has been expected to produce 'reliable' knowledge, provided merely that it communicates its discoveries to society. A new contract must now ensure that scientific knowledge is 'socially robust', and that its production is seen by society to be both transparent and participative. Modern science has until recently flourished partly because of a stable, underlying agreement between its practitioners and the rest of society. In other words, there has been a social contract between science and society, an arrangement built on trust which sets out the expectations of the one held by the other, and which — in principle — includes appropriate sanctions if these expectations are not met. This social contract has been made up of several individual elements, reflecting broader contracts between government and society, between industry and society, and between higher education and society. The contract between university science and society, for example, has been based traditionally on the understanding that universities will provide research and teaching in return for public funding and a relatively high degree of institutional autonomy; under this contract, the universities, often supported through research-funding agencies, have been expected to generate fundamental knowledge for society, and to train the highly qualified manpower required by an advanced industrial society.
In its deepest sense, the end of Communism has brought a major era in human history to an end. It has brought an end not just to the 19th and 20th centuries, but to the modern age as a whole. The End of Modern Era
Anthropocene 人類世
Inreversible? 不可逆 Sustainable? 可否持續